CHAPTER XVII

ALBERIC AND JOHN XII

 

 

ALBERIC, upon becoming prince of the Romans, immediately set himself to defend his principality against outside attacks. There was no longer anything to fear from the Saracens, and the relations with the Greek empire had long been of a diplomatic nature only; under Alberic they seem to have been peculiarly amiable. He had no trouble with his neighbors of Spoleto or Tuscany, for his ambitions did not soar beyond the limits of the old duchy of Rome. As for the trans Apennine provinces of the Exarchate and Pentapolis, they were, as a matter of fact, already in the power of the King of Italy. Alberic did not attempt to interfere with them, but devoted his attention to plans for defending his territory against the king s claims, and for strengthening his newly acquired power in the interior.

Hugh of Provence made several attempts (933, 936, 941) to take possession of Rome, and to gain access to the Vatican, i.e. to receive the imperial coronation. Alberic, however, was more than a match for him. After several truces, brought about by the intervention of St. Odo, the worthy Abbot of Cluny, Hugh finally agreed to cede all the rights which had accrued to him through his marriage with Marozia. The same year he returned to Provence, leaving the kingdom in the charge of his son Lothaire. The latter, however, died in 950, while still in the prime of early manhood, leaving behind him a widow, Adelaide, as youthful as himself. Thereupon Berengarius, Marquis of Ivrea, whose importance had remarkably increased during the last few years, had himself proclaimed king. But Adelaide was not a person to be ignored. She resisted Berengarius on the strength of rights acquired through her husband and her father, Rudolph of Trans-juran Burgundy, who had reigned between Berengarius and King Hugh. She was defeated, and imprisoned in a tower on Lake Garda, but managed to escape and take refuge at Reggio, when she appealed for help to Otto, the powerful king of the Germans.

Otto responded to some purpose. On the 22^nd September 951, while Berengarius was taking refuge in a fortress, he appeared at Pavia, and took to wife Lothaire’s young widow. Henceforward, for many a long day, the destinies of Italy were to be closely bound up with those of Germany. Alberic was anxious not to encourage any resumption of the ancient tradition of the imperial protectorate, and coldly repulsed Otto’s desire to come to Rome, even though the latter sent him an embassy conducted by the Archbishop of Mainz and the Bishop of Coire.

Otto was not importunate. Returning to his kingdom, where there was still work enough to occupy him for a long time, he decided to commit the government of Italy to his rival, Berengarius, who accepted the position of vassal king.

The Roman situation was not affected by these external events. Except for a slight family conspiracy, which was checked and severely punished, Alberic’s sway remained undisputed. Public acts were still dated with the papal year, but on the coinage the emperor s name was replaced by Alberic’s, which appeared in conjunction with that of the Pope. As in the past, the judicial assemblies were held with the cooperation of the dignitaries of the papal palace and the lay nobility. In former times the pontiff rarely intervened, although the usual place of meeting was the Lateran palace, in a hall called ad Lupam, after the famous bronze she-wolf popularly known as mater Romanorum. When the emperor was present these assemblies were held in the Vatican; under Alberic’s rule they sometimes took place at his own dwelling in the palace of the Via Lata, which probably corresponded with the Colonna palace of today. In all this there was no essential alteration as regards outward forms, but, apart from the inscription of Alberic’s name on the coinage, the real change that had taken place was well symbolized in his title of princeps et omnium Romanorum senator; to the title of princeps he himself added the qualification of humilis, others that of gloriosus.

In the early part of his reign Alberic had taken advantage of favorable circumstances to enter into family relationships with the Byzantine empire. The actual emperor at that time in Constantinople was Romanus Lecapenus. He was the father of several sons, one of whom, Theophylact, he intended for the patriarchal throne. The child was then only thirteen years of age, and, as his promotion was strongly opposed at Constantinople, Lecapenus begged that legates might be sent from Rome with the Pope’s sanction, in order to prevent further protest. John XI did send four ambassadors, among them two bishops, and these, on 2^nd February 933, by their presence at St. Sophia, in company with the patriarchal child, countenanced a tremendous breach of ecclesiastical law. Affairs at Rome had been conducted on the principle of Do ut des. Marozia, the possessor of a considerable line of ancestors, offered a daughter to the Greek emperor, who, for his part, was plentifully provided with male offspring to be settled in life. These negotiations had most probably been begun as early as 932, before the revolution which had substituted Alberic for Marozia. Our chief in formation about this affair is procured from a letter written by Romanus Lecapenus to John XI, and recently published by Cardinal Pitra. We gather from it that the Greek emperor, satisfied with the concessions relating to Theophylact, was not at all anxious to recognize them by making an alliance with the prince of the Romans. According to him the journey from Constantinople to Rome is too long for his son, though Marozia may bring, or even send, her daughter. If she has no ships suitable for the undertaking they can be provided for her.

According to Benedict of Mt. Soracte, it was Alberic himself who had set his affections on a Greek princess. He was even prepared to furnish her with a whole staff of maids-of-honor, chosen from among the aristocratic ladies of Rome, when the plan fell through. Whether there were two successive plans of marriage, or whether we only admit the one of 932-933, there can be no doubt that the ruling family of Rome sought alliance with the imperial parvenus of Constantinople. Moreover, this fact has all the more weight when we remember the determination with which Alberic severed all links with Provence, Germany, and Italy. Like the Popes Stephen and Paul before him, he preferred a distant protector to one close at hand. It was the principle of the Donation of Constantine, only with a different application.

As regards Alberic’s government we have nothing but favorable, not to say edifying, accounts. The four Popes who owed their promotion to him, seem to have been most estimable persons. He took an active part in founding and reforming monasteries, that of St. Mary on the Aventine being established in one of his paternal mansions. He also founded the convent of St. Cyriacus in the Via Lata, and endowed and remodeled those of St. Gregory, St. Paul, St. Lawrence, and St. Agnes. The famous abbey of Subiaco, laden with memories of St. Benedict, was, under his auspices, changed from a mere country chapel to a great monastic establishment. At Farfa he succeeded in restoring discipline, a feat which, considering the extreme decadence of conventual life, and the attitude of the monks, necessitated nothing short of military measures. In all this Alberic was led by St. Odo, Abbot of Cluny, who, during his long stay at Rome, made of him the instrument by which he carried out his much-needed reforms.

In order that such an administration should produce any very permanent good effects, Alberic must have lived to a good old age, and have left behind him a capable successor, imbued with the same spirit. This, however, was not the case. While not yet in his fortieth year, the prince of the Romans recognized the approach of death. Possibly he imagined that his son, who bore the ambitious name of Octavian, would one day become Augustus, and that a native Roman empire would spring from his principality and family. He must have been much alarmed at the appearance of Otto upon the scene. So powerful a prince, once established at Pavia, could not fail to be stirred by thoughts of Charlemagne, whose memory was still green in the ecclesiastical world of Rome. This could bode no good to the lay aristocracy, of whom Alberic was the triumphant leader and head. The papacy, monarch of the past, had less reason than ever to fear the future. It was manifest to Alberic that the only resource of his family when he was dead would be in the possession of ecclesiastical power. Octavian, therefore, was now destined for the pontificate instead of for the empire. Alberic assembled the Romans at St. Peter’s, and made them swear that his son should be elected Pope on the death of Agapitus II. Octavian was, at this period, in his sixteenth year. Some time after, in the year 954, Alberic died, and his son immediately succeeded him as princeps et omnium Romanorum senator.

It would have been well for Rome and for the Church, if Pope Agapitus could have postponed his departure until his successor had had time to gain a little wisdom. Unfortunately, however, he died towards the end of the following year, and, on the second Sunday in Advent, 16th December 905, the young prince of the Romans became Vicar of St. Peter’s, and head of Christendom, under the title of John XII. The fact of his promotion put an end to the struggle for supremacy between the nobles and the clergy of Rome. There was no longer even a titular emperor, nor a foreign protector, patricius Romanorum. It was like a return to the days before Sergius III and Theophylact, Nicholas and Louis II, Eugene II and Lothaire, to that state of unstable equilibrium, in which the temporal sovereignty of the Popes had had its rise. John XII, except for certain changes introduced by a tradition of two hundred years, was in much the same position as had been Pope Zachary, or Stephen II before the expedition to France. The difference lay in the fact that while the young Pope’s only substantial support lay in the memory of his father, the papacy of the eighth century had behind it a long past of service and influence.

The situation was rendered still more unsettled by the danger resulting from the extreme youth of the new Pope. In his rash inexperience he set out upon a venturesome enterprise against the Lombard principalities of Southern Italy, but was defeated and obliged to sign a treaty. The indiscretion of youth displayed itself in yet another way, and Rome soon became witness of the most revolting scandals. The young Pope took very little interest in the offices of the Church and was never seen at Matins. His days and nights were spent in the society of women and young men, and in the midst of the pleasures of the table and the chase. His illicit amours were a matter of public knowledge, for they were restrained neither by ties of blood nor by respect of persons. The Lateran became a resort of persons of ill-fame, and no virtuous woman could remain in safety at Rome. The ecclesiastical treasury was, at that time, maintained by the practice of simony, and was employed for such illegitimate purposes as the support of these licentious proceedings. We hear of a bishop consecrated at the age of ten, of a deacon ordained in a stable, and of dignitaries blinded or mutilated. Cruelty and impiety were conspicuous, and it is said that in the Lateran festivals the Pope even went so far as to drink to the health of the devil!

It is true that, from force of habit, the pontifical administration was carried on in the usual way, like well-organized machinery, from force of long custom. John XII even issued a document in which he enjoined that the monks of Subiaco should every day chant a hundred Kyrie Eleisons, and as many Christe Eleisons for the salvation of his soul. He certainly was in a position to need the devout prayers of all earnest Christians!

Strangely enough, the very person who was to put an end to these scandals was summoned to Rome by John himself. His relations with the Italian kingdom were not altogether satisfactory, and there seem to have been a few frontier disputes. There was certainly no great need for alarm, but the good people of Rome, not knowing which side to take, were not at all sorry for the interposition. John chose from among them two ambassadors, the deacon John and the protonotary Azo, and dispatched them to Germany with complaints of his royal neighbours. There is no doubt that they took advantage of the occasion to lodge (though unofficially) their own grievances against the Pope. They were not alone in their protestations. Many of the Italian princes were growing restive under the government of Berengarius II and his son Adalbert. The Archbishop of Milan who had been expelled from his See, the Bishop of Como, and many others, joined with the Romans in begging Otto to interpose.

Towards the autumn of 961, Otto bore down upon Italy and entered Pavia without opposition. Berengarius and his wife Willa took refuge in a fortress in the Apennines, while Adalbert set out to find assistance. In the middle of winter the King of Germany started for Rome, after having made arrangements with the Pope as to the conditions of his stay, and the results that might be expected to follow his demands.

The coronation took place on 2nd February 962. The Pope and the emperor signed an agreement by which John XII swore that he would be loyal to Otto and never lend his support to Berengarius and Adalbert. Otto, for his part, guaranteed to the Pope all his temporal claims and possessions. At the same time he stipulated for the imperial rights over Rome and the papal elections. There still exists a celebrated document relating to this compact. It is known as “the Privilege of Otto”, and dates from 13th February 962, a few days after the imperial coronation.

John XII and Otto parted on excellent terms, and the emperor returned to Pavia. He had hardly left Rome, however, when the Pope began to enter into conspiracy with the claimants to the Italian throne. On hearing of this, Otto, not disposed to hurry matters, affected indifference and set himself to quell the opposition which he still encountered in his new kingdom. But, the following year (963), while he was besieging Berengarius II and his wife Willa in the Castle of Montfeltro above Rimini, he received news that John XII, displaying his true colors, had welcomed Adalbert to Rome. He now hesitated no longer, and, on the 3^rd November, appeared before the town. John XII and Adalbert, powerless in face of the reaction caused by the emperor s arrival, speedily took flight. The Romans opened their gates and took an oath of fidelity, swearing that they would never again elect or ordain any Pope without the consent and choice of the Emperor Otto and his son Otto II.

On 6th November a huge conference was held at St. Peter’s. The emperor presided, around him being ranged his court, both ecclesiastical and lay, including German and Italian priests, the episcopate from the neighborhood of Rome, the Roman clergy, and the local aristocracy. Many complaints were lodged against the Pope, and the council decided to summon him to appear. Legates were sent with the message, but John returned a disdainful and threatening response. A second summons was dispatched on 22nd November to his residence at Tivoli, but this did not affect him personally. Finally, on 4th December, after a month of waiting, the council pronounced on him a sentence of deposition. Thereupon the Romans, with Otto’s full consent, elected as Pope the protoscriniarius Leo. In accordance with custom he was introduced at the Lateran, and on the following Sunday (6^th December) his consecration was celebrated at St. Peter’s.

To return to the privilege of Otto. It was perhaps at this juncture that it adopted the form in which it has been handed down to us. The second part, which relates to imperial rights, is practically a replica of the constitution of 824. As far as the papal election is concerned, it seems to be a revival pure and simple of the law of the ninth century. One point alone does not seem quite clear. By the privilege of Otto, the Romans were bound not to allow the consecration of any Pope until he had sworn, in presence of the people and of the imperial missi, an oath in conformity with that which domnus et venerandus spiritalis pater noster Leo sponte fecisse dinoscitur. As regards words and signification, this part of the privilege is a reproduction of the prescribed form of the Sacramentum Romanorum attached to the text of the constitution of 824. It refers to a promise made in 824 by Pope Eugenius II, as well as to another made by a Pope Leo, perhaps Leo VIII. As, however, we do not possess the actual wording of these stipulations, we are not in a position to judge. It may, however, be asserted that the general tenor of the privilege of Otto does not imply any progress in the imperial authority at Rome, either in the elections or in any other connection.

This being the case, it is somewhat surprising that Luitprand should have spoken of a veritable renunciation of the right of election, for, according to the passage quoted above, the Romans actually relinquished their claims to the choice of the Pope. And this is not the only reference to the subject. In his account of the council of 964 at which the deposition of Benedict V was pronounced, Luitprand relates that the archdeacon addressed the following reproach to the accused Pope : “Canst thou deny having, with the other Romans, taken a solemn oath before the emperor that thou wouldst neither elect nor ordain any Pope without his consent and that of his son, King Otto?”. It must here be pointed out that this evidence on the part of Luitprand is much more reliable than his prattle about Theodora and Marozia. It is the testimony of one of the most influential bishops on the council, the confidential friend of the Emperor Otto, and one who actually saw and heard that to which he bears witness.

This account, twice repeated in the same terms, obviously produces quite a different impression from that of the privilege. I have, nevertheless, no hesitation in maintaining that it is the correct one. With it accord all the statements concerning the elections during a period of nearly a century from the events of 963. As long as there was an emperor capable of doing so, he it was who actually chose the Pope; when the imperial power was monopolized at Rome by a patrician, or any other representative of the emperor, it was still, so far as one can tell, the responsible factor in the papal elections. This election was merely a formality, and did but confirm a choice made independently of those who appeared to take part in it.

As for the privilege, it was not what it seemed to be. In the first part it recognizes the Pope’s right to a territorial domain as large as that of which it was a question in the life of Hadrian I. Otto, if we are to take the words literally, was to guarantee to the papacy the possession of Tuscany, Parma, Mantua, Venice, Istria, and the duchies of Spoleto and Beneventum, and was even ready to promise the Byzantine territories of Naples and Gaeta. No one will venture to maintain that these professions were put into practice. One might also suggest that, even in the second part, as far as the papal elections were concerned, there was a considerable discrepancy between the theory sanctioned by the document and the actual facts. This idea is confirmed by Luitprand’s evidence as well as by what we know of the elections under the new regime.

That this was a very great change may be both affirmed and denied. As far as the Romans were concerned, it was not, for they had long exercised their right in appearance only. Ever since the beginning of the century there had always been a chief elector in the person of Theophylact, or Marozia, or Alberic. On the other hand, when we take into consideration the fact that the nationality of this dominating influence, up to and including John XII, had always been Roman, we realize that a serious change was taking place. The ruling power was now to be a foreign one, that of the Saxon family, which was, for the time being, charged to preside over the destinies of Germany.

It must, of course, be clearly understood that all this is true, and is proved, in spite of the apocryphal documents by which it was later on sought to confirm the pretensions of the kings of Germany, by an alleged compact entered into between Otto and Leo VIII, to the right of investiture in general, to the appointment of the Popes, and to certain portions of the temporal estates of the Holy See.

But John XII and his followers did not meekly accept the sentence pronounced against him. When the Christmas festivities were over, the emperor dismissed part of his army, and himself prepared to undertake the siege of Montefeltro. On the 3^rd January 964 a rebellion burst forth, and barricades were erected on the bridge of St. Angelo. The Romans expected to have no difficulty in dispersing Otto’s frail forces, but they soon found out their mistake. The barricades were swept away, and a huge massacre was set on foot. The vanquished Romans the next day presented themselves in sorry plight before the emperor and delivered up their hostages, Leo being artless enough to interfere. The emperor had only just taken his departure when John XII reappeared. His rival immediately decamped. A council, of which the records are still preserved, was held at the Lateran in the early part of February. Heavy sentences were passed on all adherents of the imperial Pope (now regarded as an usurper) who would not retract their opinions. There were two very weighty arguments against the promotion of Leo : first of all, the prevailing idea that the Pope could not be judged by any one, sancta sedes a nemine judicatur, and, consequently, that the deposition of John having been pronounced by an incompetent assembly, was null and void. Moreover, the appointed Pope did not belong to the clergy. It is not absolutely certain, though very probable, that his office of protoscrinius presupposed the tonsure; but there is no doubt that at the time of his election he did not possess any ecclesiastical orders, not even that of door-keeper. Ancient tradition required that the pontiff should be elected from the cardinal clergy, among the priests or deacons, and no deviation from this custom was allowed to pass without protest.

From the Roman point of view it seemed that the council of February 964 had avenged the ancient right : John XII was the rightful Pope, the representative of tradition, as well as of what may be called the national sentiment. Otto, of course, was far from seeing things in the same light. Nevertheless he did not think fit to interrupt his military proceedings, with the result that John XII was able to enjoy his success for several weeks. He was still in possession of the Holy See, when death over took him on 14th May 964.

Pope John XII died, alas, as he had lived, his last hours being passed in the gratification of an illicit passion in the bed of a young married lady. Luitprand maintains that he was struck mortally on the temples by the devil himself, but Gregorovius justly surmises that it was more probably the injured husband who acted as the avenging instrument of the prince of darkness! However this may have been, by some means or other the chair of St. Peter was disencumbered of a most unworthy occupant.

It might have been supposed that the Romans would now rally round Leo VIII. But nothing of the kind occurred. So far from troubling about the imperial Pope, they immediately took unto themselves another the Deacon Benedict. He was a suitable person, and of some literary attainments (Grammaticus), and was apparently ordained on the 22nd of May. The Romans were even good enough to send notice of his accession to the emperor, who was already advancing against Rome. The gates of the city were closed, but the defence did not last long. On 23rd June Otto and Leo VIII having obtained the mastery, convened a new synod at the Lateran; the unfortunate Benedict was brought before it, and, having received sentence of deposition, was dispatched to Germany, where he was placed under the charge of the archbishops of Hamburg. The opposition being thus quelled, Leo VIII was able to hold his own up to the time of his death, which took place shortly afterwards.