VOLUME II-BOOK 1

THE FIRST YEARS OF THE REIGN OF POPE NICHOLAS V. SETTLEMENT OF ECCLESIASTICAL AND POLITICAL AFFAIRS

 

Political and ecclesiastical affairs were alike in a state of extreme confusion at the time when Nicholas V ascended the Pontifical throne. France and England were at war; in Germany the authority of King Frederick III, on whose fidelity he could rely, was thoroughly shaken, and a great part of Bohemia was severed from the Church. The condition in the East was yet more deplorable. The national antipathies of the Greeks and the craftiness of their Theologians had stifled the Union proclaimed at Florence, and ever since the disastrous day of Varna (1444) the advance of Islam had been unceasing. In Italy there was disquiet, and perils threatened the Papacy. The temper of the most powerful of Italian Princes, King Alfonso of Naples, may be gathered from his favourite saying, which had special reference to the Head of the Church. “Blows”, he said, “have a better effect on priests than prayers”. Milan was governed by Filippo Maria Visconti, whose “cruel egotism” stopped at nothing. The States of the Church were in unspeakable misery, the country was devastated by war, the cities were desolate, the streets beset by bands of robbers, more than fifty villages had been razed to the ground or completely pillaged by the soldiery; and a number of the free inhabitants had been sold as bondsmen, or had died of starvation in dungeons. Added to all this, the Papal vassals were openly or secretly endeavouring to make themselves independent; Rome was impoverished, and the Papal Treasury empty.

In ecclesiastical matters, the prospect, if not equally hopeless, was gloomy enough. In Savoy, Switzerland, the Tyrol, and Germany, especially in the free cities, the party of the Council still numbered many adherents. The death of Eugenius IV had re-awakened their hopes, and they thought the moment had come when the anti-Pope, Felix V, whom they had raised up to oppose him, might be put in his place, and the triumph of their principles be thus secured. The anti-Pope himself went so far as to write a querulous letter, requiring “a certain Tommaso of Sarzana, who has presumed to mount the Apostolic Chair, and call himself Nicholas V”, at once to renounce his usurped position, and to appear before the Tribunal.

The conciliatory and prudent dispositions with which the new Pope prepared to meet all these difficulties, are evidenced by his own words, which we have already cited. On his election, he at once appeared in the character of a Prince of Peace, after the example of Him by whom the keys were given to St. Peter; these keys, Nicholas V, who had no family coat of arms, adopted as his armorial bearings, adding to them the beautiful motto, “My heart is ready, O Lord”. His predecessor had waged a stern and deadly warfare with the foes of the Church. Nicholas deemed that the work, which had been begun by force, could be best completed by gentle measures. Eugenius IV had made the Papacy dreaded. Nicholas V wished to manifest its power of healing and reconciliation.

The pacific disposition of the Pope, which the ambassadors at once made known in terms of praise, contributed more than anything to lessen existing troubles and to hasten his general recognition. Opposition was to be apprehended from King Alfonso and from the German princes. Nicholas succeeded in winning them all. On the very day after his election Cardinals Condulmaro and Scarampo went, at his desire, to the Neapolitan monarch, who, by their means, was induced to send four ambassadors to Rome on the 18th March, for the purpose of coming to an agreement with the Holy See and of taking part in the ceremonies of the Pope's coronation. When the German ambassadors congratulated him on his elevation, the Pope gave them assurances calculated to set all misgivings completely at rest. “I will”, he said, “not only approve and confirm whatever my predecessor agreed upon with the German nation, but will also hold to it and carry it out. The Roman Pontiffs have stretched their arms out too far, and have left scarcely any power to the other bishops. And the Basle people have crippled the hands of the Apostolic See too much. But these things had to be. Whoever does what is unworthy must also make up his mind to suffer injustice; he who seeks to straighten a tree that is leaning to one side easily bends it to the other. It is my firm purpose not to impair the rights of the bishops who are called to share my cares, for I hope the better to uphold my own jurisdiction by not assuming that which is foreign to me”.

The German ambassadors, by the Pope’s particular request, took part in the ceremony of his Coronation, which was performed with great pomp, on the 19th March, 1447, by Cardinal Prospero Colonna in front of the Vatican Basilica. Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, as deacon, carried the cross before the Pope in the procession. On the Coronation day Nicholas V promised King Frederick III that he would observe the treaty concluded between him and his predecessor, and declared his intention of carrying on the work which Eugenius had begun, while he expected the King on his part to continue to protect the Apostolic See, and engaged to send him the confirmation of the public convention by special legates. Immediately after his Coronation, according to ancient usage, the Pope solemnly took possession of the Lateran. Piccolomini has given a brief and graphic account of the procession. “It was headed”, he says, “by the Blessed Sacrament, surrounded by numerous lighted torches. The Pope was preceded by three banners and an umbrella; he rode on a white horse, bore the golden Rose in his left hand, and blessed the people with his right. The ambassadors of Aragon and the Barons alternately led the Pope’s horse. At Monte Giordano the Jews delivered to him their law, and he condemned their interpretation. After the conclusion of the ecclesiastical function in the Lateran, gold and silver medals were given to the cardinals, prelates, and ambassadors. The banquet next took place; the Pope was served in the Palace, and all the others in the House of the Canons. We”, continues Aeneas Sylvius, who, together with Procopius of Rabstein, was acting as ambassador of Frederick III, “were the guests of Cardinal Carvajal”.

It was long since Rome had seen such festal days as those by which the Coronation of Nicholas V was celebrated. Ambassadors came from all parts of Italy, and afterwards from Hungary, England, France, and Burgundy to promise obedience to the Holy See.

Poland also, which up to this time had continued neutral, sent ambassadors to profess submission. As early as July, 1447, King Casimir had entrusted Wysota of Gorka, the Provost of Posen, and Peter of Szamotol the Castellan of Kalisz with this mission, charging them, however, to demand for him the collation to all benefices not in the gift of the Ordinaries, the grant, for a period of six years, of a tenth of all tithes in the country, and finally the revenue of Peter’s pence for several years. The Pope conceded to the King the right of collation to ninety benefices, and, instead of the tenth of the tithes for six years and the Peter’s pence for several years, granted to Poland the sum of ten thousand ducats charged on the ecclesiastical revenues.

Of all these embassies none was received with greater distinction than that of the Florentines, for Nicholas V wished to manifest the value which he attached to the continuance of his personally friendly relations with the Republic and with Cosmo de' Medici. Vespasiano da Bisticci tells us with patriotic pride how the ambassadors of his native city made their solemn entrance into Rome with a hundred and twenty horse, and were received by the Pope in a public consistory. The hall was crowded, and Gianozzo Manetti made an address, which lasted for an hour and a quarter. The Pope listened, with closed eyes, in perfect stillness, so that one of the attendant chamberlains thought it well to touch him many times gently on the arm, believing him to have fallen asleep. But, as soon as Manetti had finished, Nicholas V at once arose, and, to the astonishment of all, answered every point of the long discourse. The circumstance made a great impression, and tended materially to extend the fame of Nicholas V. In order to understand this, we must remember how the idea of the Roman Senate and the speeches made there had at this time taken possession of men’s minds. In the Renaissance Age a speech might be an event; it is said, indeed, that the discourse which Tommaso Parentucelli pronounced at the obsequies of Eugenius IV decided the Cardinals to elect him Pope.

The able manner in which Nicholas V answered the addresses of the different ambassadors who came to pay him homage produced the greatest effect. “A report soon went forth through the various countries, that Rome had as Pope a man of incomparable intellect, learning, amiability, and liberality, and these were truly the qualities which won for Nicholas V the appreciation of the world”.

The happy results of the new Pontiff’s policy of peace and reconciliation were soon visible. An agreement was made with King Alfonso of Naples, who might have been a most dangerous enemy to the Papacy, and, on the 24th March, 1447, ambassadors, in a public consistory, promised true and perfect obedience to the Pope.

The German Empire was not to be so quickly won. King Frederick III and a few of the Princes had provisionally recognized the Pope, and by their ambassadors promised obedience, but the general acknowledgment of the Electors and the other Princes had still to be obtained, and it was not improbable that they might be tempted to take the opportunity of again bringing ecclesiastical affairs into question and favouring the adherents of the Synod of Basle, who, with Duke Louis of Savoy, son of the anti-Pope, were making all possible efforts to find powerful patrons and protectors. They hoped much from King Charles VII of France, whom Nicholas was also endeavoring to win. The Basle party so far succeeded that the king summoned a new congress, at which the envoys of the Synod and those of the Duke of Savoy were to appear. The electors of Cologne, Treves, the Palatinate, and Saxony, who had not yet acknowledged the Pope, joined France. It was not anxiety for the reform of the church, but private interests of various kinds, which induced these electors to take part with a foreign power in opposition to their own King and to the German Princes, who had already declared themselves for Eugenius IV and Nicholas V. In union with these Electors, and the ambassadors of Savoy and of England, and a few members of the Synod of Basle, Charles VII, in June 1447, opened a numerous assembly at Bourges, which was subsequently transferred to Lyons. It was then decided that Felix should resign, and that Nicholas should make many concessions to the Basle Schismatics and summon a general Council as soon as possible to meet in a French city. Neither Nicholas nor Felix, however, assented to this plan.

Almost at the same time King Frederick convened those German Princes, who had broken up the anti-Roman League of Electors, to meet at Aschaffenburg. Aeneas Sylvius- Piccolomini, on whom Nicholas V had recently conferred the Bishopric of Trieste, and the Royal Counsellor Hartung von Cappell, represented the King. Nicholas of Cusa appeared on behalf of the Pope, though without instructions. The assembled princes decided that Nicholas V should be proclaimed throughout Germany as the lawful Pope, and that on his part he should confirm the Concordat entered into by his predecessor. For the perfect adjustment of all differences a fresh Diet was shortly to be held at Nuremberg, and, unless the matter were in the meantime settled with the Pope’s Legate, it was to decide the long standing question of compensation to be given to the Pope for diminution of income, in accordance with a promise already made by the Basle party. King Frederick III now proceeded to take decided measures in favour of Nicholas V. He required the Schismatics of Basle to dissolve their assembly, and withdrew the Royal safe conduct previously granted; on the 21st August, 1447, he issued an edict commanding everyone in the empire to acknowledge Nicholas V as the true Pope and to reject all other orders. Frederick solemnly repeated his declaration of obedience to the Pope, in his own name and that of his country, in St. Stephen’s Cathedral at Vienna.

But on this very occasion the want of real unity was manifested. The King desired to give all possible importance to this public recognition of Nicholas V by the presence and assent of the University of Vienna, but the opposition which he encountered was so violent that he was obliged to enforce his commands by threats of deprivation of benefices and emoluments and other penalties. The jurists and physicians then yielded, and finally the faculties of theology and arts made up their minds, under compulsion and by constraint, to accede to the Royal desire. Sometime afterwards, when Cardinal Carvajal came to Vienna as Legate from Nicholas V, the adhesion of the University to the Council, to which both King and Pope were adverse, showed itself anew. Many in Germany shared the sentiments of the University, and if Rome ultimately gained the victory it was in no small degree due to the skill with which her envoys conducted the difficult negotiations, which at last resulted in the submission of the Count Palatine Louis, the Dukes Otho and Stephen of Bavaria, the Count of Wurttemberg, the Bishops of Worms and Spires, and the Electors of Cologne, Treves, and Saxony.

These separate agreements prepared the way for the Concordat, concluded at Vienna on the 17th February, 1448, between the Holy See and the King of the Romans, and confirmed by Nicholas V on the 19th March in the same year.

The Concordat of Vienna begins with the words:—“In the name of God, Amen. In the year 1448, on the 17th. February, the following Concordat was concluded and accepted between our Holy Father and Lord, Pope Nicholas V, the Apostolic See, and the German nation, by the Cardinal Legate Juan Carvajal and King Frederick, with the assent of most of the electors and other spiritual and temporal princes of the nation”. Then follow the several decisions by which the rights of the Apostolic See were considerably extended. The Concordat of Constance between Martin V and the German nation serves as a foundation for that of Vienna, which literally embodies a great many of the conditions established on the former occasion. The Vienna Concordat recognizes the reservations of ecclesiastical benefices contained in the Canon law as well as those introduced by John XXII and Benedict XII; the appointment to bishoprics by free election, subject to the Pope’s right of confirmation, and also, in case of manifest reasons, the nomination of more worthy and fitting persons to such posts with the advice of the Cardinals; the arrangement in virtue of which all canonries and other benefices becoming vacant in the alternate months were to be filled up by the Pope, and finally the Annates, which were to be discharged in moderate amounts and in installments payable every two years.

This Concordat, no doubt, temporarily guarded the Holy See from being suddenly, and without any adequate compensation, despoiled of a great part of its necessary revenues, and yet the great evil from which the Church suffered in Germany was by no means checked. If the exercise of patronage from so great a distance and with insufficient knowledge of persons and of local circumstances had its drawbacks, yet in view of the pride of birth and the distinctions of caste which became more and more dominant in the German chapters during the fifteenth century, its tendency was beneficial. Nevertheless, the good that might have resulted was greatly marred by the imperfect education of a portion of the German clergy, and the want of discipline which prevailed, and also by the recklessness with which many succeeding Popes exercised their right. Thus seventy years later, when the storm of the new doctrines burst over the country, hundreds of incumbents who held their preferments from Rome fell away like the withered leaves from a tree in autumn.

The next thing to be accomplished was the recognition and promulgation of the Vienna Concordat throughout the several parts of the empire. The Pope brought this about very gradually by means of separate negotiations with the individual German Princes, the most powerful of whom had to be won over by important concessions. The Archbishop of Salzburg was the first f to assent to the Vienna agreement (22nd April, 1448); the Elector of Mayence followed his example in July, 1449, and the Elector of Treves in 1450. Cologne held out for some time, and the Concordat was not accepted by Strasburg, its last opponent, until 14764.

The Vienna Concordat not only established a new order of ecclesiastical affairs in Germany, but also virtually annihilated the Synod of Basle, which had latterly become a real scourge to the Church. We may say that the death-knell of this assembly was sounded on the 17th February, 1448. The fact that the city of Basle still continued for some time to defy the authority of the King of the Romans is characteristic of the position of the empire. In 1448 Frederick III was compelled to threaten it with an interdict, and at last the Senators felt it necessary to require the members of the Phantom Council to depart. On the 25th June they determined to transfer themselves to Lausanne, and on the 4th July, accompanied by troops, left for that place. The Bishop of Basle, the city, and the whole diocese then made their submission to the Pope, who, in a Bull dated 13th July, 1448, restored them to favor.

The anti-Pope and his adherents now felt that all further opposition to the authority of Nicholas V would be fruitless, and that a seemly retreat was the only thing to be thought of. By the intervention of France this course was made easy.

In the summer of 1448, Charles VII sent a brilliant embassy to Rome to make solemn profession of obedience to the Pope, and to propose measures for the termination of the Schism. Nicholas V entered into negotiations with the Archbishop of Rheims, the chief of the French ambassadors, and shortly afterwards Felix V expressed his willingness to renounce the papal dignity. On the 18th January, 1449, the Pope issued a Bull revoking all confiscations, suspensions, excommunications, and penalties affecting Felix V, the Synod of Basle and its adherents, their possessions and dignities. In the further course of the negotiations for union the pacific Nicholas V carried concession to its utmost possible limits; with his approval, the anti-Pope, before his abdication, issued three documents confirming all disciplinary decrees promulgated during his pontificate, removing all censures pronounced against Rome and its adherents, and again ratifying all privileges and favors which he had granted. Finally, the Pope consented that Felix V should resign his usurped dignity into the hands of the Council of Lausanne (7th April, 1449). After the dismissal of its Pope, the moribund Council was also induced, in its third session, April 10th, 1449, to revoke its former censures, and in the fourth, on the 19th April, acting on the fiction of a vacancy of the Holy See, it elected as Pope, Tommaso of Sarzano, known in his obedience as Nicholas V. In the next session, on the 25th April, the assembly formally dissolved itself.

Though appearances were thus saved, the triumph of the true Pope was complete, and he could now hope that the jubilee to be celebrated in the following year would be attended with peculiar splendor. The tidings of the final suppression of the Schism awakened the greatest joy amongst the Roman clergy and people. At nightfall horse­men scoured the streets, bearing torches in their hands and loudly cheering Nicholas V. Processions in token of thanksgiving were made through the Borgo by his order.

In fulfillment of the promise made by his ambassadors, the Pope published three Bulls at Spoleto, in June, 1449, revoking, by the first, all censures pronounced against the partisans of the Synod of Basle, by the second, confirming all nominations to benefices made by it and the anti-Pope, and by the third, restoring all who had been deprived of their positions during the time of the Schism. He bestowed on the late anti-Pope the dignity of Cardinal of Sta Sabina, made him Papal Legate and Vicar for life of Savoy and the territory belonging to Berne, in the Diocese of Lausanne, and conferred on him a pension from the Apostolic Chamber. Felix retired to the solitude of Ripaille, on the Lake of Geneva, and died there on the 7th January, 1451. Since his days no anti-Pope has arisen, and his case is a further proof of the old truth that the evil of a Schism in the Church is greater than any evil which that Schism professes to correct. From the time that the assembly at Basle became schismatical all hope of the long desired Church Reform grew dim, and the way was opened for a reaction calculated to bury in oblivion not only the false and revolutionary projects of the Synods of Constance and Basle, but even those which were just and moderate. The Council of Reform, which was a condition of the Frankfort Concordat of the Princes, and which was again promised in the Vienna Concordat, never took place. The period of Councils was past and was succeeded by one of Concordats, a season of restoration and of reaction. It became more and more evident that the deplorable issue of the Synod of Basle had dealt a severe blow to the theory which it represented.

The Spanish theologian, Rodericus de Arevalo, in a work dedicated to Cardinal Bessarion in the time of Paul II, observes, “Men have now none of that respect and love for Councils which some suppose. We know that the nations of Christendom were put to great trouble and immense expense in maintaining their ambassadors and prelates at Basle and all to no purpose. What did that assembly procure for the Christian world save strife and schism? No one who looks back to its results can desire that the unity which the Church now enjoys should be again, to the detriment of Princes and people, disturbed by a similar assembly”.

The name of “Council”, which had wrought such confusion, began gradually to lose its magic power. But ideas which have taken a deep hold upon the human mind are not quickly dispelled, and worthy men who were bent on reform, even after the sad failure of the Basle Synod, clung to the hope that the Parliamentary principle would yet assert itself in the Church; among those who cherished aspirations of this nature, we must mention the celebrated Carthusian, Jakob von Jüterbogk.

After peace had been restored to the Church, when the Schism was at an end, and Nicholas V was universally acknowledged to be the lawful Pope, this ardent reformer addressed a memorial on the subject to him. The multitude of abuses, Jakob von Jüterbogk declares, had impelled him, unworthy though he was, to raise his voice and cry for reform, and to proclaim its urgent necessity. The Synods of Siena, of Constance, and of Basle having failed to accomplish that which the faithful expected, and the Schism being now at an end, the cry must, he says, again be raised, and to whom can it better be addressed than to him “who sits in the chair of Peter, who is possessed of the highest Apostolic dignity, and is the one vicar of Christ?”. Thanks to the vigilance of former Pastors, decisions, decrees, and canons abound; new laws are not required, but the old ones ought to be obeyed. It is the duty of the Pope to feed the sheep of the Lord, and to see that the precepts of the Church are observed.

The author proceeds to animadvert with much freedom on many abuses in the government of the Church, and to remind the Pope of his duties. His observations allude rather to the period from 1434-1447 than to Nicholas V himself, for whom he had a great esteem, and by whom several of his works were approved. “If Christ were again on earth”, he asks, “and occupied the Apostolic See, would He approve the present practice of that See in regard to benefices and to the Sacraments of the Church; the many reservations, collations, annates, provisions, expectancies, and benefices which are given for money; the revocations, annullations, nonobstantia, especially in regard to the power of election and appointment by which those, who have a canonical right, are excluded”. The Pope’s authority is conferred upon him that he may build up, not that he may destroy, and he must exercise it according to the will of God. Jakob then proceeds to consider the office of the Pope, whom he views as the head of the many members of the Church. He is the ruler of the Church, but he is himself bound to take the will of God and the decisions of Councils for his rule. Further on he complains of the simony then dominant, and brings forward the instance of the recent simoniacal practices of two bishops in Germany. Finally, he calls on the Pope to remove abuses by means of a General Council lawfully summoned.

 Jakob of Jüterbogk lived at Erfurt, and was connected with its university, the only one in Germany which maintained the false conciliar theories.

It cannot be a matter of surprise that the German Carthusian’s commendation of Parliamentary Church government found little favor with the Pope; but it must be regretted that the reforming zeal of the early days of his Pontificate gradually cooled down. The fault lay not so much with the learned and virtuous Pope as with the Italians surrounding him, whose incomes, in great part, depended on abuses, and who, accordingly, like a leaden weight, impeded every movement in the direction of reform. Jakob von Jüterbogk complains bitterly in his treatise on the seven stages of the Church, that “no nation in Christendom offers such opposition to reform as Italy, and this from love of gain and worldly profit, and fear of losing its privileges”. The passionate pessimism of this work contrasts unfavorably with the tone of his memorial, while his exaggerated exaltation of the authority of Councils, and his assertion of their right to depose the Pope, were little calculated to promote the cause of reform, and tended rather to reawaken the schism that had so lately been set at rest.

It was well that these sentiments were not shared by the majority of Jakob’s contemporaries. The violence of his language in this treatise is probably due to his vexation at the collapse of the Council, and its proved inability single-handed to accomplish the work of reformation. Geilervon Kaysersberg, a distinguished man, whose zeal for reform was in no way second to that of Jakob, at a somewhat later period, expressed his firm conviction of the impossibility of carrying out a general reformation in Christendom by means of parliamentary assemblies alone. “The whole Council of Basle”, he says, '”was not sufficiently powerful to reform a convent of nuns when the city took their part. How then can a Council reform the whole of Christendom? And if it is so hard to reform a convent of women, what would it be to reform one of men, especially if it contains none that are single-minded, and they have many partisans? This is why the reformation of all Christendom, or of any class of men therein, is so difficult. Therefore, let each one hide his head in his own corner, and see that he keeps God’s law and does what is right, that he may save his soul”.

No Council ever pursued so suicidal a course as did that of Basle. The suppression of the schism by the Council of Constance did more than anything to win men’s minds to the conciliar views, whereas at Basle squabbles about the limitations of its powers took the place of the urgently-needed work of reform, and ended by reviving the dreaded schism. The aversion to Councils increased, as it became more evident that, in spite of all the great hopes and expectations it had called forth, the Basle Synod had brought schism and revolution into the Church instead of reform. The old constitution was now more firmly established than before.

The change in the tide of opinion, which in some cases had been very sudden, is strikingly manifested in the speech of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, the former champion of the supremacy of Councils, at the coronation of Frederick III by the Pope in the year 1452. Speaking in the name and in the presence of the newly-crowned Emperor, he observes that another Emperor would have demanded a Council, but that Frederick holds the Pope with his Cardinals to be the best Council.

The bugbear of a General Council was indeed repeatedly brought forward by the party opposed to the Papacy, but it proved to be a mere empty threat. The utter hopelessness of the cause was fully manifested in the next generation, when an adventurous prelate, whose person and fate are veiled in obscurity, but who is known by the name of Archbishop of Carniola, made attempt to resuscitate the Council of Basle. Even the support afforded by Lorenzo the Magnificent was powerless to do anything towards the realization of what a modern historian has well called a delirious dream, so thoroughly had the Holy See in the meantime regained its ancient authority.

Many circumstances tended to favor the re-establishment of Papal power. The fruitlessness of all the efforts made on behalf of ecclesiastical parliaments had naturally produced weariness and exhaustion. The reigning Pontiff was, moreover, peculiarly fitted to bring about a reconciliation between the Papacy and its opponents. The first measures of his reign tended towards this result, to which, besides, the influence of the theological literature of the day, with its brilliant vindication of the Papal system, materially contributed.

In the foremost rank of the champions who took up their pens on behalf of the Holy See we must name the great Spanish canonist, Cardinal Juan de Torquemada. The “Summa against the enemies of the Church”, which he wrote in 1450, is the most important work of the later mediaeval period on the question of the extent of the Papal power. In his preface he gives the following explanation of the aim of his book :—“If ever it was incumbent on Catholic doctors, as soldiers of Christ, to protect the Church with powerful weapons, lest many, led astray by simplicity, or error, or craft and deception, should forsake her fold, that duty devolves upon them now. For, in these troublous times, some pestilent men, puffed up with ambition, have arisen, and, with diabolical craft and deceit, have striven to disseminate false doctrines regarding the spiritual as well as the temporal power. With these they have assailed the whole Church, inflicting grievous wounds upon her, and proceeding to rend her unity, to tarnish the splendor of her glory, to destroy the order established by God, and shamefully to obscure her beauty; they have undertaken to crush the Primacy of the Apostolic See and maim the supreme authority conferred on it by God; they have so poisoned the whole body of the Church that hardly any part of her seems to be free from stains and wounds. The sacrilegious accusations of these godless men against the Church and the Holy See are shamelessly published everywhere. Thus not only is evangelical truth attacked, but the way is prepared for divisions and errors, dangers to souls, dissensions between princes and nations, and it is evident to all that the assaults of these persons are aimed not only at a portion of the Church, but at the very foundations of the Christian religion. Catholic scholars should hasten to oppose these antagonists with the invincible weapons of the faith. Therefore, incited by zeal for it and for the honor of Christ’s Bride, have written a book, with the title of ‘Summa against the enemies of the Church and the Primacy’. I have here, as it seems to me, by passages from Holy Scripture and by the irrefragable decisions of the Fathers, sufficiently refuted the assertions of these unprincipled men, and shown that they are to be eschewed by all faithful Christians”. These introductory words manifest the polemical character of the work, in which the Cardinal, who was firmly attached to the Thomistic tradition, strongly upholds the Papal power against the tendencies of the Synod of Basle.

The importance of Torquemada’s work, which is distinguished by its learning and by the keen logic of its arguments, became more and more appreciated as time went on, and even in the eighteenth century it was looked upon as a literary arsenal by the defenders of the Holy See.

Another Spaniard, the Canonist Rodericus Sancius de Arevalo, at this time dedicated to Nicholas V a book which, like that of Torquemada, combated the ecclesiastical parliamentarianism of the schismatics of Basle.

Rodericus Sancius, while serving as ambassador from the King of Castile at the Court of Frederick III, did his best to put an end to the neutrality of Germany, which constituted a serious danger to Rome. In a discourse which he pronounced in Frederick’s presence, he urged him to promote the restoration of ecclesiastical unity by a simple adhesion to the lawful Pope. The ‘Dialogue regarding remedies for the schism’, dedicated by Rodericus to Garcia Enriquez, Royal Councillor and Archbishop of Seville, belongs to this period. The first part of this treatise, which has never yet been printed, deals with the authority of the Holy See in general. In the four chapters which compose the second part, Rodericus shows that the so-called neutrality and withdrawal of obedience are in all cases forbidden, that they lead to heresy and schism, and that the ecclesiastical dignitaries who adopt such dangerous measures lose the powers conferred upon them, because they sever themselves from the center of unity. Rodericus de Arevalo was one of the most distinguished opponents of the Council theory. Subsequently, under Paul II, in a work dedicated to Cardinal Bessarion, he controverted the errors of those who were never weary of exalting Councils as a panacea even for the threatened Turkish peril. The beautifully-written original manuscript of this treatise, ornamented with exquisite miniatures, once in Cardinal Bessarion’s possession, is now preserved in the library of St. Mark’s at Venice. The author begins by attacking exaggerated views of the importance of Councils, and justly observes that in the primitive Church their occurrence was not so frequent as some people supposed. Reforms, he says, will always be needed in the Church; if they can only be accomplished by Councils, it follows that they must sit perpetually. Here, in fact, we have the real question at issue. If the fanatics of the party could have had their way, there can be no doubt that the Council, considering itself equal in authority to the Pope, would, under pretext of reform, have gradually assumed the whole government of the Church, and the Holy See would have been no longer necessary. How, then, are reforms in ecclesiastical affairs to be carried out? Rodericus answers the question in the second part of his work. In the first place, he says, let due obedience be rendered to the Apostolic See; then let good and loyal bishops be elected, prelates and clergy filled with the spirit of Christ appointed everywhere, and, above all, let visitations be extensively made, for the discovery and remedy of existing evils.

The celebrated preacher, St. John Capistran, who had written a great volume against the Fathers of Basle in the reign of Eugenius IV, now produced a treatise ‘on the authority of the Church’, in opposition to the false Council theories, and dedicated it to Pope Nicholas.

Although we cannot enumerate all the champions who at this time came forward to defend the rights of the Holy See, the name of the Venetian, Piero del Monte, pupil of Guarino, and Bishop of Brescia from the year 1442, must not be passed over. This remarkable man continued, in the days of Nicholas V, to display the same zeal which had characterized him under that Pontiff’s predecessor. The work which he dedicated to Nicholas V is divided into three books; it does not, as its title might seem to imply, attempt to meet all the errors then prevalent in regard to ecclesiastical matters, but only those which prevailed in certain countries under the semblance of measures of reform. The fact that Piero del Monte is one of the few Humanists who took part in the contest between the adherents of the Council and the defenders of the Holy See, gives a special interest to his work, which, unfortunately, has never been printed.

The renewed vigor of the Papal power was manifested during this Pontificate by stringent measures for the eradication of heresy. Nicholas made special use of the Minorite friars in this matter, and his zealous care was extended to Bosnia and to Greece, in which countries respectively the Patarines and the Fraticelli were leading many astray. His efforts to repress the latter sect in Italy were continued for most of his remaining life; but they were not crowned with complete success.

The restoration of the Papal authority was materially promoted by Nicholas V’s perfect freedom from nepotism, and by the care which he generally exercised in the creation of Cardinals; amongst other excellent appointments we may mention that of the gifted Nicholas of Cusa, who united moral worth with intellectual qualities of the highest order.

From the middle of the fifteenth century the position of Papacy manifestly regained solid strength. The attempts of the Basle party to revive the disastrous schism had produced a reaction throughout the whole Church. Multitudes turned with horror from the anti-Papal theories, which had become predominant at Constance and Basle to the ancient doctrines regarding the monarchical constitution of the Church and the inalienable rights of the Holy See. Respect for the Papacy rose as the hopes 1 founded on the action of Councils sank lower and lower, destroyed by the excesses of the Synod of Basle. The movement had begun in the time of Eugenius IV, and it continued under his successor, Nicholas V, who was able to do away with the remains of the schism, and the revolutionary tone, which had prevailed in the fourteenth and the early part of the fifteenth century, gave place, as time went on, to a very different feeling.

In Germany, however, we cannot say that reunion with the Holy See at once produced general contentment, or laid the agitation for reform to rest. The billows of a troubled sea are not so easily calmed, but the efforts for reform became less and less radical in their character, and the Holy See regained much of the influence which had been lost in the time of Eugenius IV. It was well, too, for Germany that in the following years men filled with the Spirit of God arose in her midst, and sought to remove the many existing evils and to impart new life to ancient ecclesiastical institutions and individual souls, by the use of the means of grace and salvation which Christ has entrusted to His Church. Passionate opponents of the Papacy have falsely represented the course of events as one of increasing alienation from the ancient Church, until the severance became complete but the attentive observer cannot fail to discern the presence of the earnest and deeply religious feeling which finds expression in the well-known ‘Imitation of Christ’. The immense impulse given to the life of the German people at this period made itself felt in the ecclesiastical sphere. Large and handsome churches were built, and adorned with loving care. The foundations for altars and masses were numerous, and, although a vast number of religious houses already existed, new ones arose. The richly ornamented prayer-books, the countless pictures and other works of art, and the wood­cuts destined for the uneducated, all bear witness to the existence of the same pious spirit. The coarse satire of former days is hushed, or vents itself only on the mendicant friars and subordinate objects. “Our holy Father, the Pope”, is everywhere spoken of with reverence, and is represented in all his glory in pictures.

And yet the anti-Papal spirit in Germany was not thoroughly subdued; it appeared, indeed, less often at the surface, but its hidden influence was not the less real. In a letter of the 25th November, 1448, Aeneas Sylvius, with his keen insight into affairs, writes the following words to the Pope : “A time of peril is before us; storms are threatening on every side, and the skill of the mariners will be proved in the bad weather. The Basle waves are not yet calmed, the winds are still struggling beneath the waters and rushing through secret channels. That consummate actor, the devil, sometimes transforms himself into an angel of light. I know not what attempts will be made in France, but the Council still has adherents. We have a truce, not a peace. ‘We have yielded to force’, say our opponents, ‘not to conviction; what we have once taken into our heads we still hold fast’. So we must look forward to another battlefield and a fresh struggle for the supremacy”.

The efforts made by Nicholas V to restore and maintain, peace in Rome and in the States of the Church were crowned with the same success which had attended his great measures of ecclesiastical policy. The revolutionary aspirations of the Romans were appeased by the concession of a privilege which secured to them the right of self-government. All magisterial and municipal appointments were given into the hands of four Roman citizens, together with the entire control of the taxes. At the same time, the Pope endeavored to guard against any possible revolt, as well as against attacks from without, by rebuilding the city walls and erecting fortifications. We shall speak of these works later on. He conciliated the Roman Barons and restored Lorenzo Colonna, the Savelli, Orso Orsini, and the Count of Anguillara, to favor. Lorenzo and Stefanello Colonna received permission to rebuild Palestrina, which had been destroyed by Vitelleschi, on condition that the town should not again be fortified. This condition, suggested by the strategical importance of the position, was subsequently restricted to the castle (May 13, 1452), and by degrees the present town arose, where walls dating from the fifteenth century are still to be seen, and fortifications, especially on the southern side, of all styles and periods, beginning with the ancient cyclopean polygon.

Other feudatories of the Holy See were appointed to or confirmed in the vice-regencies of Urbino, Pesaro, Forli, Camerino, Spello, Rimini, and the territories belonging to them, and thus peace was restored, although, of course, the Papacy was not absolutely secured from possible hostility on their part. The ancient Constitutions of the March of Ancona, the City of Fermo, and other places, were confirmed, and new privileges granted. The City of Jesi, the only one in the March of Ancona under the dominion of Francesca Sforza, was surrendered by him in consideration of the sum of 35,000 florins. In  July, 1447- Nicholas V recovered the Castle of Spoleto, and three years later Bolsena. The frequent visits of the Pope to Umbria and the Marches contributed in no small degree to the maintenance of a good understanding with those provinces.

The bloodless restoration of peace and order to the States of the Church must ever be viewed as one of the chief glories of the Pontificate of Nicholas V. In order fully to appreciate his success, we must recall to mind the condition of the country at the time of his accession. After ten years of incessant warfare, it was almost completely in the power of wild, mercenary troops. Nicholas V, who was no mere pedant, happily accomplished the work of pacification, and completely healed the wounds inflicted on the States of the Church during the troubled reign of Eugenius IV. Against the leaders of revolt, as, for example, Ascanio Conti, he proceeded with severity, fearing that the turbulent Barons might again be roused by evil example. In general it was his principle, where his spiritual authority proved insufficient, rather to repress the lust of conquest and plunder by the erection of fortresses, than by the introduction of undisciplined mercenary bands, and he left no means unemployed to obviate the recurrence of disturbances. His conciliatory disposition is strikingly displayed in his treatment of Stefano Porcaro, who had endeavored, while the Conclave was sitting, to revolutionize Rome. Instead of inflicting condign punishment he sought to win him by promotion.

The satisfactory condition of the Apostolic Treasury tended materially to promote respect for Nicholas. He had always a certain number of troops in readiness, and they punctually received their pay, so that they had no need to depend on plunder and booty. It must be regretted that the Pope’s anxiety for the peace of his own dominions led him to pursue a policy towards his neighbors which cannot be justified. In order to divert all disturbances from the States of the Church, he, as we shall see, secretly favored complications in the other Italian provinces. By such means alone was he successful in maintaining that tranquility at home, which was an indispensable preliminary to his grand efforts for the promotion of learning and art.

More than once, indeed, did a great conflict seem to be imminent, as, for instance, in the first year of his Pontificate, when King Alfonso, of Naples, made hostile advances against Tuscany, and again in the August of 1447, when Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan, died without legitimate male issue. Besides the grasping Republic of Venice, four claimants to the Duchy of Milan came forward, viz.. King Alfonso, who, in virtue of a very doubtful will, maintained that he had been constituted heir to Filippo Maria; the Duke of Savoy; the Duke of Orleans, who was the son of a Visconti; and, finally, Francesco Sforza, the husband of Bianca Maria, who, although illegitimate, was the last scion of the house of Visconti. The complication seemed to be of the most threatening character, and we cannot wonder at the extreme consternation of the Pope when, on the morning of the 20th of August, a letter from his friend and banker, Cosmo de' Medici, announced the death of the last of the Visconti, for King Alfonso, who, according to the report of an ambassador, had let his horse graze at the very gates of Rome, had even, since the conclusion of peace, been a cause of anxiety to the Pope. Untold dangers threatened the Papacy if the will of Filippo Maria should take effect, and the ambitious and war-like king should become ruler of the northern as well as of the southern portion of the Italian peninsula. Nicholas V sought by every means in his power to counteract a combination which would have pressed him hard on both sides.

For a time no one of the four claimants was successful. The ancient republic of Milan was revived, but at the end of three years the Milanese found themselves compelled to yield to the successful general whom they had called to their aid.

Francesco Sforza, the son of a peasant of Cotognola, made his solemn entry into the famine-pressed city as her Duke, on the 25th March, 1450.

Milan had, however, no cause to complain, for the period of Francesco Sforza’s rule was among the happiest in her history, and this martial duke restored peace to Italy which had been kept by his unwarlike predecessor for thirty years in a state of conflict. The Pope, too, had reason to be satisfied, for the re-establishment of the Duchy of Milan restored the balance of power in Northern Italy, and formed a barrier against the rapacity of the Republic of Venice.

The submission of Bologna after its protracted resistance was a great triumph for Nicholas, who had a special affection for the city in which a great part of his life had been spent, and where he had found generous patrons in his time of need. He not only loved the Bolognese, but thoroughly understood their temper and circumstances, and was convinced that violent measures would be fruitless in overcoming their opposition to the Papacy. Accordingly, from the beginning of his reign, the city was treated with the utmost leniency and consideration, and, on the 23rd March, 1447, one of its citizens, the canonist, Giovanni di Battista del Poggio, was appointed bishop. This nomination was so acceptable that the Ancients ordered a general holiday in token of rejoicing. All the church bells were rung and public processions celebrated the event.

This was shortly followed, on the nth April, by the dispatch of an embassy to Rome to treat for a reconciliation with the Holy See. The Pope was, as Francesco Sforza's ambassadors declared, much disposed for peace, but in consequence of the excessive demands of the Bolognese it was not finally concluded until the 24th August, 1447, conditions were most favorable to the city, for Nicholas carried concession to its utmost possible limits. Bologna continued to be a Republic in reality, if not in name. The Papal Legate took part with the Municipal Council and the Magistrates in the Government. The city retained its right to elect the latter, the control of its militia and its revenues, while it was to be defended from foreign foes by the Papal troops. The Holy See only claimed the recognition of its suzerainty, the right of its Legate to a certain share in the patronage of public offices, and a tribute similar to that paid by the other Republics in the States of the Church and by the feudatories of the Pope.

It cannot be denied that the relations now established between Bologna and the Church were such as might easily have given rise to complications. Thanks to Sante Bentivoglio, who was at the time all-powerful in Bologna, and, on the other hand, to the Pope, nothing of the kind occurred. Nicholas V prudently continued to treat the Bolognese with great indulgence and to increase the obligations which already bound them to him by bestowing many fresh favors, more especially by the restitution of sundry castles and possessions which had formerly belonged to the city, but had, during the troubles of the preceding half- century, been annexed by Papal officials or others. In the same year which witnessed the restoration of peace between Bologna and the Church, the Pope conferred a fresh token of favor on the city by elevating its bishop to the dignity of Governor of Rome, and appointing his own half-brother, Filippo Calandrini bishop in his stead. In the following year both the bishop and Astorgio Agnesi, the Governor of Bologna, were promoted to the Sacred College. The historian of the city, Ghirardacci, gives a full account of the splendid feast which took place on the 6th January, 1449, when Agnesi received the hat sent by Nicholas V. Nevertheless, in that very year threatenings of disturbances amongst its excitable population induced the Pope to appoint Cardinal Bessarion Legate for Bologna, Romagna, and the March of Ancona (1450, February 26). In his Brief, addressed to the Bolognese, the Pope says that he sends this distinguished man to them as an angel of peace, and confidently hopes that he will succeed in governing Bologna well and happily. The great Humanist did not disappoint these expectations, the troubled city was calmed, and in a short time he had won the affections of its people.

On the 16th March, 1450, Bessarion entered Bologna, where he was received with the greatest honor, and continued to govern it for the remainder of this pontificate. During the five years of his rule the Greek Cardinal managed, by his prudence and moderation, to avoid conflicts and greatly to improve the general condition of the city. As a Humanist, he naturally devoted special attention to the once-famous university, which had fallen into decay during the troubles of the first half of the fifteenth century. He provided for the restoration of its buildings and for the appointment and fitting remuneration of excellent professors. A little intellectual court gradually gathered around the learned Cardinal, who had now become the hope of the Humanists.

Bessarion’s impartiality was in great measure the cause of his success at Bologna. A Greek by nationality, he kept aloof from Italian complications, and could be perfectly just towards all. The authority of law and equity was re­asserted. He did everything in his power to calm popular passions, and to repress the occasional attempts to shake off the Papal rule. He punished the originators of revolt, and prosecuted the malefactors who had long been masters of the unhappy city. His diligence, his fidelity to duty, and his moral purity were most exemplary. His singular prudence enabled him always to preserve the most amicable relations with Sante Bentivoglio, who was, however, the chief power in Bologna, and whose position there may be estimated by the regal splendor with which his marriage to Alessandro Sforza’s daughter was celebrated in May, 1454.

The results of Bessarion’s labors were very soon visible, for tranquility and order were restored to the city, and its inhabitants again turned their attention to the arts of peace. Their confidence in him was such that he was often chosen as umpire in their disputes. From the very first he made it his aim by all possible means to re-establish law and justice, and at any personal sacrifice to defend the cause of the oppressed. Even stern critics, like Hieronymus de Bursellis, extol his remarkable love of justice, which was combined with extreme affability; his door was ever open to the poorest people. He issued a severe edict against the luxury which had at that period assumed terrible proportions in Bologna, as well as throughout Italy, and he also reformed the statutes of the city. The celebrated pilgrimage church of the Madonna di San Luca was restored by him, and he caused other churches, as, for example, that of the Madonna della Mezzarata, to be adorned with beautiful frescoes. The Bolognese honored Bessarion’s memory by an inscription in which he is praised as the benefactor of their city. This grateful affection is the best proof of the wisdom displayed by Nicholas V in entrusting to him the government of the city.

In looking back upon the earlier years of Nicholas V’s Pontificate we cannot fail to be struck by his great zeal in the cause of political and ecclesiastical order. In Germany, Poland, Bohemia, Hungary, Bosnia, Croatia, and even in Cyprus, he endeavored to promote the peace of the Church. In Bohemia, indeed, he was completely unsuccessful, although the indefatigable Carvajal spared no effort to bring affairs to a happy conclusion. But Nicholas V had the consolation of seeing great results soon follow from his policy of peace. The pacification of the States of the Church, the recovery of the City of Bologna, which had for centuries been deemed, after Rome, the brightest jewel in the temporal crown of the Popes, and, above all, the termination of the disastrous schism, were successes which won the just admiration of his contemporaries.